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Future responses must include more research into the psychology and motivations of the groups involved, and a universally applied code of practice to be followed by all governments and organisations that find themselves the victim of such extortion.

To date, six recommendations for governments have been put forward and can be read in full detail in the Human Rights Foreign Policy Report: Combatting and Contending with Kidnap for Ransom :. When formulating their responses, governments must base domestic and international policy on international human rights law.

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Preventing and contending with KfR is a human issue with raw realpolitik circumstances and outcomes. The complex issues that lie at the centre of such a global transnational crime are, at heart, human rights issues, and to address them, states must share and draw upon relevant experiences and policies. What response? To date, six recommendations for governments have been put forward and can be read in full detail in the Human Rights Foreign Policy Report: Combatting and Contending with Kidnap for Ransom : Better support for victims and their families; Improved training for those working in high risk areas; Better and more coherent negotiation strategies; KfR in Colombia: are there examples to be learned from how the Colombian Government dealt with this issue?

These informal settlements, whose residents live in dire poverty, are under the influence of gangs that have ties with organized crime and the political world. The slums are highly political and weapons are in circulation. In fact, the political parties distribute weapons to the residents of these precarious living areasand manipulate them. Every zone gang leader is connected with a political party. The gangs, which are just small groups of criminals, reign over small areas. The spectre of delinquency is not unified. The urban crime organizations are small, representing only a few dozen men who are warring over a few square kilometres of territory.

High-ranking security officials are involved in cases of kidnapping and organized crime.

The same source indicates the following:. However, the different segments of the population are not all affected in the same way: for the economic elites, the security situation primarily hurts their business, while the kidnapping risk hinders freedom of movement.

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Insecurity has a more direct impact on the poorest. Crime affects their daily living conditions: difficulty finding staples due to closures or shortages at local markets, closures of schools and churches. People living in slums also run a fairly substantial risk of being killed by a stray bullet.

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Due to the violence that prevails in certain urban neighbourhoods in the capital, the general security situation leaves a lot to be desired. The UN has therefore defined three zones in the Port-au-Prince metropolitan area: red zone, yellow zone and green zone.


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Someone who lives in a red zone may not have access to public services or receive effective protection from the government, and UN personnel must not enter a red zone without a military escort. Information on the boundaries of the three zones could not be found among the sources consulted by the Research Directorate within the time constraints of this Response. According to the UN, there are 1. OFPRA reports that the [translation] "the international standard is 2. OFPRA describes the situation as follows:.

‘Kidnapping for Ransom:’ a growing human rights threat

The PNH is heavily represented in the capital. On the other hand, as the territory is not developed and the police have little in the way of transportation, the security services are not present in the countryside. Police may often seem powerless to deal with armed criminals.

They are sometimes afraid to take action because the criminals have weapons. I can enable you my general streams. Watson, of face, offers with us.

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